SCIENCE AND POLITICS: MELDING FACTS AND VALUESSir Robert May AC FRS Chief Scientific Adviser to the UK Government and Head of UK Office of Science and Technology Albany House, 94-98 Petty France, London SW1H 9ST
In Western economies, this kind of government support for research was the exception rather than the rule until the second half of the 20th century. Massive government investment in technology by all the combatants during the Second World War produced a range of advances with important civil applications, including rocket propulsion, nuclear energy, radar, electronic computers and antibiotics. Governments that had previously put little effort into planning and funding research realised that supporting their countries' inventors and scientists could bring a significant economic return. Ever since, the rate of scientific discovery and technological change has escalated year by year. These advances, applied in areas as diverse as agriculture, health, consumer goods, transport and entertainment, have transformed the quality of life for people in the industrialised world, and many of those in less developed countries have also enjoyed increases in life expectancy and material welfare. Technological advance, however, brought unforeseen problems, particularly in terms of environmental pollution and biomedical ethics. In the 1960s Rachel Carson's Silent Spring revealed the knock-on effects on wildlife of the insecticide DDT, while a decade or two later meteorologists discovered the hole in the Earth's protective ozone layer caused by chlorofluorocarbons. Disasters such as those at Seveso, Bhopal and Chernobyl contributed to a new mood of doubt about the capacity of science-based industry to regulate itself appropriately. And new biomedical techniques, such as organ transplantation and in vitro fertilisation, raised ethical questions that could not be resolved through scientific argument alone. In step with these concerns, governments have tempered their support for technological advance with regulatory structures to ensure that it progresses within a framework of public safety. Increasingly the need for regulation has taken on a global dimension, as neither the benefits nor the hazards of technology recognise national boundaries. And in the 21st century, we are learning that regulatory structures must take account not only of a narrow, mathematically calculated definition of risk, but also of the priorities and values of the society in which we live. In the past five years I have daily had to consider how a government should balance its two roles as promotor and regulator of research and technological development. My term as Chief Scientific Adviser has coincided with the culmination of an international scientific enterprise of greater global significance than the first moon landing: the sequencing of the complete human genome, the "book of life". The books of life of other plant and animal species are also open to those who would read them, and the means exist to cut-and-paste genetic information from one to another. At the same time, we are discovering how much of our own evolutionary past, as written in our genes, is shared with other living things: roughly half of all human genes, for example, are shared with bananas (I sometimes think this is more obvious in some of my acquaintances than others). So, on the one hand, we stand on the threshold of a new era of applications in biotechnology that could transform both health care and food production. But on the other, fears about the unknown risks of this new technology have given rise to a new upsurge of public mistrust in science and scientists. I will return to this theme later in my talk. But first let me review the Government's role in promoting research. Why should any government support scientific research? Broadly there are three reasons:
Promotion of research involves a combination of investment, organisation and
direction:
These measures are designed to foster a vibrant scientific community and an
expansion of technology-based industries, which are needed to offset the UK's
decline in many areas of traditional manufacturing. However, science and technology
cannot proceed in isolation: they take place within a social and cultural context.
In a democratic society, a government's freedom of action depends on maintaining
the trust of the electorate in its decisions. In recent years, in Britain in
particular, that trust has been eroded with respect to a number of scientific
issues, notably those that involve biotechnology. Some of the reasons are obvious,
others less so. It has become of prime importance that government advisory and
regulatory mechanisms should not only be, but be seen to be, designed with the
best interests of the community in mind.
The crisis in public trust is one of the greatest challenges facing scientific policymakers today. To ignore such widespread fears would simply be wrong. It also would be politically damaging, and play into the hands of those who advocate "direct action" such as the destruction of GM test plots. But to follow the fickle weather vane of public opinion is no solution either. A decade ago restrictive legislation introduced in Germany in response to public concern almost destroyed its indigenous biotechnology industry, with companies including BASF and Boehringer Mannheim choosing to site their factories and laboratories overseas. Since the mid-1990s the economic pressures of reunification have led to cross-party support for efforts to stimulate regional biotechnology industries, and Germany now has more biotech companies than any other country in Europe. But it still has several years' ground to make up in terms of products and market value. In the UK we have sought to move forward by broadening the scope for public consultation on scientific issues while continuing to rely on the highest standards of expert technical advice. The overriding priority of the government is to put proper controls in place to regulate biotechnology and genetic modification, so that the environment and the health of the public are protected. The UK has recently adopted a new advisory framework whose key principles are wide consultation, transparency and timeliness. In future all committees that are involved in providing specialist advice on biotechnology, such as the Advisory Committee on Releases into the Environment (ACRE) or the Genetics and Insurance Committee (GAIC), will ensure that their membership, terms of reference, plans of work and findings are made publicly available in a form which is accessible to the non-specialist. At the same time three new advisory bodies - the Food Standards Agency (FSA), the Agriculture and Environment Biotechnology Commission (AEBC), and the Human Genetics Commission (HGC) - will have a forward-looking, strategic role that encompasses broader ethical and social concerns. Their members have a wide range of interests and expertise, and most of their sessions will be held in public. This restructuring reflects a dawning recognition that the enterprise known as "the public understanding of science" must be complemented by more strenuous efforts on the part of science to understand the public. Naive expectations that if only the public understood more science they would find it more acceptable have turned out to be far from reality; detailed surveys show that those countries whose citizens score highest on quizzes about scientific facts and methods also are more likely to worry about the unintended consequences of new technologies. This is how it should be! So, it remains important that scientists should be prepared to engage with the public, explaining what they do, and why, in terms that are accessible to the majority. It is a great mistake to dismiss genuine worries about science and technology as merely the result of ignorance. Those who express concern about possible threats to the environment through genetic modification of crops, or about the impact of multinational commercial interests on subsistence farmers in developing countries, or about the possibility of changing the genetic make-up of unborn children, are expressing values that are widely shared. I share them. A value in which I have a particular interest, and which the nations of the world endorsed at the Rio Summit in 1992, is the preservation of biodiversity. The demands of an ever-growing human population are destroying our fellow species at a rate fully comparable with those which characterised the Big Five episodes of mass extinction in the fossil record (such as that which extinguished the dinosaurs). There are utilitarian arguments for preserving biodiversity: species represent the raw material of the biotechnology of tomorrow, and we risk the collapse of ecosystems if we remove too many species from their delicately-balanced structures. But a third argument, no less valid, is simply the ethical, value-based argument that we have a duty of stewardship to the species with which we share the planet. We need to encompass a wide range of views in a debate about what kind of world we want to live in. Once we can agree on the values that motivate us as members of our societies, we then need to ask how best to pursue those values. Here I part company from those who would cast scientific rationality as the problem. For me it is essential to finding a solution. Action must be taken on the basis of facts, not prejudice. Our values will indicate what questions we should be asking about the natural world and humanity's impact on it; our science will ensure that the answers have a solid foundation. There can be a paradox here: we often need passionate, value-based concerns to motivate action, but cold, fact-based analysis as the basis for the actions themselves. Where there is uncertainty, costs and benefits need to be weighed on the basis of all available evidence; if a risk seems small but the possible consequences devastating, as in the case of BSE, then a precautionary approach may be the best option. Advances in science and technology, especially those emerging from a new understanding of the molecular basis of life, have happened so rapidly that governments the world over have been caught unawares, first by the possibilities of the technology itself and secondly by the public's reaction. They have been left scrambling to make policies in a context of scientific uncertainty and vociferous public opinion. Inevitably policymakers are swayed by the culturally dominant belief systems - be they ethical, political, commercial or scientific - in their own countries, which can lead to lack of harmonisation between one country and another. The issue of international trade in genetically modified foods, for example, has already led to hostile confrontations between supporters and opponents of the technology. We need to start a new debate at the international level, listening to and learning from the values of countries from North and South, East and West, and pooling scientific knowledge, with a view to achieving some consensus on the problems that face us and how best they might be solved. We have a model in the form of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), which collates the expertise of over 3000 scientists from around 170 countries, to delineate a landscape of scientific knowledge and uncertainty - areas of agreement; areas of broad consensus but still with differing minority opinions; and areas of plain ignorance. Such a communal painting of the scientific landscape was hugely helpful in persuading governments to agree to begin controlling emissions of greenhouse gases at Kyoto in December 1997. The need for international agreement is twofold. Prohibitions on procedures involving biotechnology become meaningless when they can be easily circumvented by travelling to a country with less restrictive standards. More seriously, a decision taken in one country could have consequences that transcend national boundaries. For example, there are concerns that transplanting humanised pig organs to human patients could trigger a pandemic of unrecognised pig viruses in the human population; country-by-country is clearly not the best way to address this question. The OECD conference on the health and safety aspects of GM foods, which took place in Edinburgh at the end of February, was a step in the right direction. It drew participants from a wide range of backgrounds, including members of the lobbying organisations that oppose GM. I would like to see this initiative develop into a more permanent structure with a broad remit on biotechnological issues, embracing developed and developing countries, scientists, consumers, environmentalists and anyone else with an interest in finding a way forward through this difficult area. A brief survey of sources of contention includes medical ethics, health and safety, animal welfare, environmental protection, intellectual property rights and access to new drugs. I believe we need to do more to extend such discussions across the range of 21st century science and technology, so that we can outline international agreements on the broader questions that are already upon us, and be ready for new ones that will emerge as the century unfolds. The world's population of 6 billion is set to almost double by 2050. Meeting the needs of those people is a political problem, but one in which science will have a major part to play. The challenge is to distil from emotional and ethical arguments - arguments that come from the heart - the values that will govern the choices we make. But we still need scientific analysis - cold rationalism if you will - to choose the tools that will best help us to meet our objectives.
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